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Showing posts with label National Labor Relations Board. Show all posts
Showing posts with label National Labor Relations Board. Show all posts

Tuesday, July 20, 2021

National Labor Relations Board Rules Against Amazon, Says Two Activist Workers Were Fired Illegally

Credit...Jenny Riffle for The New York Times

Amazon Illegally Fired Activist Workers, Labor Board Finds


By Karen Weise, NY TIMES, April 5, 2021 Updated June 15, 2021

The two employees had publicly pushed the company to reduce its impact on climate change and address concerns about its warehouse workers.

SEATTLE — Amazon illegally retaliated against two of its most prominent internal critics when it fired them last year, the National Labor Relations Board has determined.

The employees, Emily Cunningham and Maren Costa, had publicly pushed the company to reduce its impact on climate change and address concerns about its warehouse workers.

The agency staff told Ms. Cunningham and Ms. Costa that it would accuse Amazon of unfair labor practices if the company did not settle the case, according to correspondence that Ms. Cunningham shared with The New York Times. The case would then go before an administrative law judge.

“It’s a moral victory and really shows that we are on the right side of history and the right side of the law,” Ms. Cunningham said.

The two women were among dozens of Amazon workers who in the last year told the labor board about company retaliations, but in most other cases the workers had complained about pandemic safety.

“We support every employee’s right to criticize their employer’s working conditions, but that does not come with blanket immunity against our internal policies, all of which are lawful,” said Jaci Anderson, an Amazon spokeswoman. “We terminated these employees not for talking publicly about working conditions, safety or sustainability but, rather, for repeatedly violating internal policies.”

Claims of unfair labor practices at Amazon have been common enough that the labor agency may turn them into a national investigation, the agency told NBC News. The agency typically handles investigations in its regional offices.

While Amazon’s starting wage of $15 an hour is twice the federal minimum, its labor practices face heightened scrutiny in Washington and elsewhere. The focus has escalated in the past year, as online orders surged during the pandemic and Amazon expanded its U.S. work force to almost one million people. Amazon’s warehouse employees are deemed essential workers and could not work from home.

This week, the national labor board is counting thousands of ballots that will determine whether almost 6,000 workers will form a union at an Amazon warehouse outside Birmingham, Ala., in the largest and most viable labor threat in the company’s history. The union has said the workers face excessive pressure to produce and are intensely monitored by the company to make sure quotas are met.

The results could alter the shape of the labor movement and one of America’s largest private employers.

Ms. Costa and Ms. Cunningham, who worked as designers at Amazon’s Seattle headquarters, began criticizing the company publicly in 2018. They were part of a small group of employees who wanted the company to do more to address its climate impact. The group, Amazon Employees for Climate Justice, got more than 8,700 colleagues to support its efforts.

Over time, Ms. Cunningham and Ms. Costa broadened their protests. After Amazon told them that they had violated its external communications policy by speaking publicly about the business, their group organized 400 employees to also speak out, purposely violating the policy to make a point.

They also began raising concerns about safety in Amazon’s warehouses at the start of the pandemic. Amazon fired Ms. Costa and Ms. Cunningham last April, not long after their group had announced an internal event for warehouse workers to speak to tech employees about their workplace conditions.

After the women were fired, several Democratic senators, including Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and Kamala Harris of California, wrote Amazon expressing their concerns over potential retaliation. And Tim Bray, an internet pioneer and a former vice president at Amazon’s cloud computing group, resigned in protest.

Mr. Bray said he was pleased to hear of the labor board’s findings and hoped Amazon settled the case. “The policy up to now has been ‘admit nothing, concede nothing,’” he said. “This is their chance to rethink that a little bit.”

Ms. Cunningham said that, despite the company’s denial, she believed that she and Ms. Costa were prime targets for Amazon because they were the most visible members of Amazon Employees for Climate Justice.

The labor board also upheld a complaint involving Jonathan Bailey, a co-founder of Amazonians United, a labor advocacy group. The agency filed a complaint against Amazon based on Mr. Bailey’s accusation that the company broke the law when it interrogated him after a walkout last year at the Queens warehouse where he works.

“They recognized that Amazon violated our rights,” Mr. Bailey said. “I think the message that it communicates that workers should hear and understand is, yes, we’re all experiencing it. But also a lot of us are fighting.”

Amazon settled Mr. Bailey’s case, without admitting wrongdoing, and agreed to post notices informing employees of their rights in the break room. Ms. Anderson, the Amazon spokeswoman, said the company disagreed with allegations made in Mr. Bailey’s case. “We are proud to provide inclusive environments, where employees can excel without fear of retaliation, intimidation or harassment,” she said.


See also Parentadvocates.org:

Monday, March 16, 2020

National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) Temporarily Closes Offices in Manhattan, Detroit and Chicago

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Temporary Closure of Three Regional Offices Due to Possible COVID-19 Exposures


Effective immediately, the National Labor Relations Board’s offices in Manhattan, Detroit, and Chicago will be closed temporarily while an employee in each of these offices is tested for COVID-19. The Agency is taking this step to ensure the health and safety of our employees and the public.
Telework-ready employees in these offices were previously scheduled to telework on Monday, March 16. Under today’s announcement, all employees in these offices will telework until notified otherwise. Regional personnel will continue to handle unfair labor practice investigations and processing representation petitions. All hearings scheduled in these offices for Monday, March 16 are postponed. Additional guidance regarding future hearings and elections will be issued tomorrow (Monday). Parties should continue to e-file documents, as required by GC- 20-01.
Individuals needing immediate assistance from Region 2, Manhattan may contact Region 29, Brooklyn at (718) 330-7713
Individuals needing immediate assistance from Region 7, Detroit may contact the Grand Rapids Resident Office at (616) 456-2679
Individuals needing immediate assistance from Region 13, Chicago may contact SubRegion 30, Milwaukee at (414) 297-3861
NLRB Leadership continues to monitor and assess the impact of COVID-19 on Agency operations and will continue to keep our staff and the public informed of any developments.
Established in 1935, the National Labor Relations Board is an independent federal agency that protects employees, employers, and unions from unfair labor practices and protects the right of private sector employees to join together, with or without a union, to improve wages, benefits and working conditions. The NLRB conducts hundreds of workplace elections and investigates thousands of unfair labor practice charges each year.

Monday, January 13, 2020

National Labor Relations Board Revises Pro-Union Employer-Employee Relations


Huge Setback as Labor Board Revises Joint Employer Standard

Last week was a dark week at the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB). In a series of major and somewhat unexpected split decisions, the Board overruled five significant pro-worker precedents and set in motion the undoing of the Board’s election rule. These decisions touch upon major aspects of the employer-employee relationship, including employer handbooks, when two or more employers can be considered a joint employer, what constitutes an employee bargaining unit, and when companies can make unilateral changes in a contract. In each instance, they tilt the already employer-friendly balance heavily in favor of employers. 

These precedents took years to develop, and the results of many have not yet become evident. So, why the rush to overturn them by last Friday? The following day, on December 16, Chairman Miscimarra’s term expired. It appears that rather than consider these important matters in a deliberate and proper process that meets the purposes of the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), they were rushed through in order to avoid a temporary lapse in a conservative majority. Years of carefully considered decisions by the Obama (and Bush) Labor Boards have been undone in a week, with the result that workers who have traditionally faced an uphill path to organizing and bargaining collectively will have even less power.


In 2014, the NLRB made a public announcement that it was considering revising its joint employer standard. At that time, the number of workers at temporary agencies reached an all-time high of 2.87 million and was expected to reach 4 million by 2022. Many of these workers ostensibly work for an employment agency, but they are placed by and actually work for another company. During the period when the number of temporary employees grew, the NLRB incrementally made it more and more difficult to determine that two companies constituted a joint employer. 

As a result, when these temporary employees—and sometimes permatemps—wanted to form a union, many of them would find that only their staffing agency was required to bargain with them, and not the company that co-determined many of their terms of employment. This was because employees had to prove that the putative joint employer exercised “direct and immediate” control over employment matters.1 

Even when employees were able to meet this high bar, they would then have to show that the control was not “limited and routine.”2 Therefore, such unionization efforts were often fruitless, because an important player in the employment relationship was absent.

So, in late 2015, in a decision called Browning-Ferris, the NLRB created a new joint employer standard that more accurately determined who constituted an employer. The decision stated that “We will no longer require that a joint employer not only possess the authority to control employees’ terms and conditions of employment, but also exercise that authority. Reserved authority to control terms and conditions of employment, even if not exercised, is clearly relevant to the joint-employment inquiry.” In determining whether two employers are joint employers, the Board would look at the management structure and the relationships between the companies’ supervisors and HR managers; how decisions regarding hiring, discipline, and termination are made; how wages and benefits are set; the types of training conducted; how work processes are governed; and other terms of the agreements regarding employees between the two entities.

Browning-Ferris took a clear-eyed approach to how power works in the relationship between a staffing agency and the company it staffs. It acknowledged that reserved power and control is still power and control, and that in reality, many of these companies controlled and determined the wages and terms of employment for their temporary workers.

Therefore, Browning-Ferris created a two-part test to determine if two employers were joint employers: first, the Board would ask if there was a common-law employment relationship with the employees in question. If there was such a common-law relationship, then the Board would look at the specific facts of the case to determine if the putative joint employer “possesses sufficient control over employees’ essential terms and conditions of employment to permit meaningful collective bargaining.”
Business groups were outraged by the new Browning-Ferris test and worked diligently to try to get it reversed by whatever means possible. They argued that the NLRB’s new test was something that all businesses should be concerned about and that it would kill major aspects of the American economy. However, despite the parade of horribles predicted by the business community, the Board applied the new rule in a measured way, and the sky did not fall. In the two years since the Browning-Ferris decision, there have been nine decisions throughout the country by Regional Directors of the NLRB that have used the new test in a joint employer analysis. These cases involved the relationships between construction companies, security and detention guards, casino employees, and employees in the airline industry.
In four of those decisions, the Regional Director found that a joint employer relationship existed. In three of those decisions, the Regional Director found no joint employer relationship. And in three of the decisions, the airline employers argued that they were joint employers in order to argue that they were under the Railway Labor Act and not the NLRA, but the issue was found to be irrelevant. During the two-year period, only one Board case made a determination regarding the joint employer relationship, when it found that a construction company and staffing company were joint employers.3
Despite the lack of any negative effects stemming from the Browning-Ferris decision, in its December 14 Hy-Brand decision, the NLRB overruled its precedent and returned to the previous standard. The decision was a surprise for several reasons. First of all, other than political considerations, there was little reason to reconsider Browning-Ferris so soon. Second, the Hy-Brand case involved the question of two companies acting as a single employer, not joint employers. Indeed, the parties in the case never asked the Board to reconsider its Browning-Ferris precedent, because it did not matter for the disposition of the case. Third, the Board did not solicit briefs or otherwise make the public aware that it was reconsidering Browning-Ferris so that its decision could be fully informed by all interested parties. The dissenting Board Members explain that “not surprisingly, a deeply flawed process leads to a deeply flawed result.” Unfortunately, we already know what the results will be from the Board returning to its previous standard: workers will continue to have little voice in the workplace.
Notes
Airborne Express, 338 NLRB 597, fn. 1 (2002).
TLI, 271 NLRB 798, 799 (1984).
Retro Environmental Inc./ Green Jobworks, LLC, 364 NLRB No. 70 (2016).


Trump administration rolls back Obama era 'joint employer' rule
The White House has formally rolled back one of the Obama administration's most ambitious attempts to rewrite federal labor law to benefit unions, the so-called joint employer rule.
The Trump administration on Sunday said that businesses shouldn't be held liable for violations by other companies if all they share is a corporate brand.
The Obama administration had sought to make franchiser corporations such as McDonald's legally responsible for workplace violations by their franchisees, even if the latter were legally independent businesses. The previous administration based this on the theory that a corporation was a "joint employer" with the other company even if the former only had "indirect control" over the latter company's policies.
Trump administration has been working to roll back the "joint employer" rule since President Trump took office. The Labor Department on Sunday issued an official rule that corporations were only liable when they had "direct control" over the other company's policies. The administration clarified that to be joint employers, both businesses had to be able to: hire or fire an employee; have control over their work schedule; control the workers' pay; and maintain the workers' employment records.
"This final rule furthers President Trump’s successful, government-wide effort to address regulations that hinder the American economy and to promote economic growth,” said Labor Secretary Eugene Scalia. The rule will go into effect in 60 days.
Business groups had staunchly opposed the Obama administration effort, saying it would push many corporations out of franchising altogether rather than risk the additional liability. Unions had cheered the Obama rule since it made corporations more vulnerable to pressure campaigns and organizing efforts.
The Trump administration said the Obama administration's "indirect control" standard was far too vague.
"The changes in this final rule break down barriers that keep companies from constructively overseeing, guiding, and helping their business partners,” said DOL Wage and Hour Division Administrator Cheryl Stanton.
The National Labor Relations Board, the main federal labor law enforcement agency, late last year, settled a long-running "joint employer" case against McDonald's Corporation by announcing the company was not a joint employer with its franchise restaurants. The case had been launched in 2013 by the Obama administration.